Thursday, 12 February 2026

The ubiquitous BUT …

If the argument is that “the LNP haven’t revised their policies since the election,” that’s a different claim from saying they don’t have policies at all.

There’s a difference between not revising policies yet and not having policies.


Opposition parties don’t automatically publish a brand-new policy platform the day after an election loss. They usually go through internal reviews, leadership changes, and strategic recalibration before releasing updated positions. That process can take time. And it goes without saying that the LNP have taken far too long and been too distracted by internal bickering than getting the job done. That doesn’t mean they won’t. 


However, the LNP still has:

  • A published election platform
  • Previously costed commitments
  • A shadow ministry with portfolio-based policy positions
  • Parliamentary voting records that reflect policy stances

You can argue those policies need updating, that’s fair. You can argue they weren’t good enough to win, that’s also fair.


What you can’t reasonably argue is that they don’t exist.


One Nation, by contrast, often operates on high-level commitments without detailed fiscal modelling, legislative pathways, or administrative frameworks. That’s the core distinction.


“Needs revision” is not the same thing as “doesn’t have any.”


If someone wants to debate the quality of LNP policy, that’s a substantive conversation. But equating structured, costed platforms with broad headline pledges just blurs an important difference in how parties prepare for government.


Politics cannot run on vibes, slogans, or outrage. It runs on detail. It runs on legislation. It runs on numbers that add up and proposals that can survive scrutiny.


You don’t have to like the LNP. You don’t have to agree with their direction. You can argue their policies need revision, renewal, or even replacement. That’s a legitimate democratic debate.


But pretending there’s no difference between a structured, costed platform and a list of headline intentions does a disservice to voters. “We will” is not a policy. It’s a starting point.


If we want better government, we have to demand more than sentiment and symbolism. We have to insist on substance.


Because in the end, intent tells you what sounds good. Policy tells you what’s actually possible.


The difference between a POLICY and a POSITION STATEMENT

๐“๐ก๐ž๐ซ๐ž’๐ฌ ๐š๐ซ๐ž ๐ฌ๐ข๐ ๐ง๐ข๐Ÿ๐ข๐œ๐š๐ง๐ญ ๐๐ข๐Ÿ๐Ÿ๐ž๐ซ๐ž๐ง๐œ๐ž ๐›๐ž๐ญ๐ฐ๐ž๐ž๐ง ๐š ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฅ๐ข๐œ๐ฒ ๐š๐ง๐ ๐š ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฌ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐ฌ๐ญ๐š๐ญ๐ž๐ฆ๐ž๐ง๐ญ ๐š๐ง๐ ๐ฏ๐จ๐ญ๐ž๐ซ๐ฌ ๐ฌ๐ก๐จ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐๐ง’๐ญ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐ž๐ญ๐ž๐ง๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ž๐ฒ’๐ซ๐ž ๐ญ๐ก๐ž ๐ฌ๐š๐ฆ๐ž ๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐ง๐  ๐›๐ž๐œ๐š๐ฎ๐ฌ๐ž ๐ญ๐ก๐ž๐ฒ ๐ฌ๐ข๐ฆ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐š๐ซ๐ž๐ง’๐ญ.

People claim One Nation has “policies.” What they’re mostly offering are position statements, broad pledges without detailed implementation, costings or timelines. 


The difference between a policy and a position statement in politics comes down to detail, commitment, and accountability.


A policy is a concrete, developed plan of action. It usually includes:

  • Clear objectives
  • Specific measures or actions
  • How it will be implemented
  • Costings (how it will be funded)
  • A timeline

A policy creates something measurable. It tells you what will be done, how it will be done, what it will cost, and when it will happen. It can be scrutinised, costed, debated, and judged.


Example: “We will reduce income tax by 2% for Australians earning under $120,000, funded by closing X tax loophole, commencing July 2027.”


That’s a policy, it’s specific and testable.


A position statement is an expression of values or direction, not a fully formed plan. It tells you what someone wants to achieve, but not necessarily how.


It often includes:

  • Broad goals
  • Principles or aspirations
  • General commitments without detail

Example: “We are committed to lowering the cost of living for working Australians.”


That sounds positive, but it’s not a policy. There’s no mechanism, no funding source, no timeline.


Why the distinction matters


In Australian politics especially, this difference becomes important during elections.


Governments, particularly the one we have now often presents position statements as if they are policies. The same applies to minor parties 


Oppositions on the other hand are generally pressured to provide fully costed policies, along with the how, what and when, not just intentions. And voters often struggle to tell the difference, which affects accountability.


A good rule of thumb:


If you can’t ask “how?” and get a clear answer, it’s not a policy. 


Politics is full of aspirations. Accountability comes from detail.

And, if we’re going to demand higher standards from our leaders, we should at least be clear about the difference.

Monday, 9 February 2026

WE ARE STILL REAPING WHAT WE SOW

The usual chorus is back again, complaining about a fractured parliament, an obstructive Senate, endless compromises, and governments that supposedly “can’t get anything done.” The targets change, the outrage doesn’t.

The familiar defence quickly follows:

“You can’t blame voters. People are desperate for better government.”

True. We are desperate for better government.

But yes, I do blame voters for some of the mess. And I think we’ve been letting ourselves off the hook for far too long.

The phrase “you reap what you sow” has never been more apt.

You may not agree with what follows, but it’s a view formed through years of watching politics up close, not just yelling at it from the outside.

Outsourcing Democracy Has Consequences

We will not change how major parties operate unless people engage where it matters. Yet political party membership is now perilously low and still falling. Participation hasn’t just declined—it has been replaced.

In its place, we have outrage, petitions, protest votes, social media pile-ons, and the expectation that the ballot box alone will somehow fix everything.

It won’t.

Using elections purely to punish parties, without engaging in how candidates are selected or policies are shaped, has delivered exactly what you would expect: instability, fragmentation and a permanent cross-bench culture skilled at vetoing but not governing.

That is not accountability. It is abdication.

Broad Churches Are Meant to Be Uncomfortable

I believe in the values of the Liberal–National Coalition. I also accept its flaws. It is a genuine broad church, liberals, conservatives, pragmatists and idealists under one roof. That tension is real and sometimes ugly.

But pluralism is not a defect of democracy; it is its price.

The problem is that too many people now expect ideological purity and instant gratification. Anything short of complete victory is branded a sell-out. That mindset makes governing in a complex parliament almost impossible.

Governments should be criticised for poor decisions. But the lazy claim that they “do nothing” is usually wrong. What is really happening is that governing in a splintered parliament requires compromise, sequencing, and trade-offs, things that don’t translate well into slogans or social media posts.

Too many people now confuse volume with evidence and virality with truth.

Democracy Is Not a Spoon-Feeding Exercise

Another uncomfortable reality is the growing expectation that voters should have policy and information spoon-fed to them, simplified, personalised and delivered in a format requiring minimal effort.

Politics has adapted accordingly. Complex reforms are reduced to three-word slogans. Policy details are replaced with talking points. Substantive documents are ignored because they require time, concentration, and reading beyond a headline.

Yet when voters complain policies are unclear or under-explained, much of what they claim doesn’t exist is publicly available in budget papers, policy platforms, committee reports, costings, and parliamentary debates are all there for anyone prepared to look.

Expecting politicians, journalists, or social media influencers to do all the thinking is not civic engagement. It is outsourcing responsibility.

Democracy was never meant to function like a drive-through. If we demand politics that is easy to consume and effortless to understand, we should not be surprised when what we get is shallow and transactional.

Comment Sections Aren’t Civic Participation

I know I shouldn’t read comment sections. Yet I do. And every time, I leave more pessimistic about our civic culture.

Criticising politicians’ performance is one thing, but ripping into politicians online achieves very little. If it worked, things would be improving. They aren’t.

Nor will endless complaining on social media fix anything.

Democracy doesn’t improve through heckling alone. It improves when people show up before election day—when candidates are being selected, policies debated, and priorities set.

Voting Alone Is Not Enough

We live in a democracy, imperfect, frustrating and often inefficient—but still better than any alternative I’ve seen.

Democracy means rule by the people. That implies responsibility, not just entitlement.

Politics touches almost every aspect of our lives: jobs, wages, cost of living, health care, education, security, infrastructure, and the environment. Yet for many people, voting—often done with minimal research, is the sole act of participation.

There are many ways to influence outcomes:

  • campaigning

  • joining parties

  • internal advocacy

  • pressure and community groups

  • informed voting

Voting matters. But voting alone, especially when driven by gut feeling or protest, cannot carry the entire democratic load.

We Put These People There

Politicians do not just “turn up.” They are selected, endorsed, preferenced and elected.

I am continually struck by how many people vote for candidates they know almost nothing about, then act shocked when those candidates behave exactly as their history suggested they would.

We can rage about senators grandstanding, independents holding legislation hostage, or minor parties chasing pet causes, but we empowered them.

A small amount of homework before an election often gives a very clear picture of what to expect.

And how many of the loudest critics are prepared to stand themselves? Very few.

The Fantasy of the Perfect Outsider

Every election cycle produces the same wish list: no career politicians, no party discipline, no unions, no compromise, instant honesty, and perfect outcomes.

It sounds satisfying. It is also unserious.

Politics is not a purity contest. It is a system for making collective decisions in a complex society. Anyone promising otherwise is selling theatre, not governance.

Some reform ideas are sensible. Others are emotional venting dressed up as principles. None of them work without citizens prepared to engage beyond slogans.

Responsibility Cuts Both Ways

Yes, politicians must be competent, honest, and accountable.

But citizens also have obligations:

  • to inform themselves

  • to read beyond headlines

  • to understand trade-offs

  • to accept that compromise is unavoidable

If people disengage, refuse to do the work, and blame “them” instead, nothing improves.

We will simply continue cycling through career politicians, staffers, factional operatives and activist independents—while insisting the system is broken and refusing to touch it.

No Saviours. No Shortcuts.

I participate through membership, advocacy, discussion and writing. I could do more—and so could many others.

There is no messiah coming to fix this for us.

If we want better politics, we must invest more than cynicism and a protest vote. At the risk of clichรฉ:

No pain. No gain.

Democracy only improves when citizens put some skin in the game.